猫咪社区

On Dec. 12, 2023, SUNY Purchase College student Cesar Paul walked into an administrator鈥檚 office and headed straight for the window, where a pair of 鈥淲e Stand With Israel鈥� banners hung facing the campus plaza. Then, Paul took the banners down in protest because, he said, Purchase College was guilty of 鈥渄ouble standards.鈥�

After October 2023, the Purchase campus became a protest site for students like Paul who wanted to raise awareness about Palestinians鈥� struggle for liberation against Israeli occupation. But Paul says advocating for Palestine on campus was 鈥渄angerous.鈥� 鈥淪tudents would put up [printouts of] Palestinian flags, and they would be taken down immediately,鈥� he says. 鈥淭here were students putting things up about Israel, and it was fine.鈥�

But the double standards weren鈥檛 just relegated to the materials students hung on walls. Paul says the double standards included an institutional stance that Purchase鈥檚 leadership took with Israel. On Oct. 10, 2023, Purchase President Milagros Pe帽a sent a university-wide email stating 鈥淣ew York stands with the people of Israel.鈥� A few sentences following, Pe帽a wrote, 鈥淲e also recognize that this conflict is devastating to the residents of Gaza.鈥� The word 鈥淧alestine鈥� does not appear anywhere in the email.

鈥淲hy isn鈥檛 Purchase talking about Palestine?鈥� Paul wondered. He was certain that Purchase, which 鈥渃laims to be diverse鈥� and 鈥渨ill always talk about what鈥檚 going on in the world鈥� would eventually 鈥渄o something for Palestine,鈥� he says. But as weeks went by, and the , no email was sent to acknowledge the .

Then there was the hypocrisy, Paul says. The Purchase administration did not acknowledge that Palestinians have 鈥攖he last 77 years of which Israel has been the primary occupying power. When Pe帽a released a university-wide email on Nov. 21, 2023, honoring 鈥渢he Wappinger and Lenape people,鈥� whose land Purchase鈥檚 campus occupies, Paul was 鈥渃onfident the school would advocate for Indigenous people [in Palestine], as they did for Indigenous people here.鈥� But, he says, 鈥淚 was wrong.鈥�

Paul decided to advocate for Palestine himself鈥攈e draped his body in a large Palestine flag and wore it to school. But that, too, was met with resistance. 鈥淢ore than five times I was approached for wearing a Palestinian flag,鈥� he says. The first interaction he remembers was with an elderly female student who yelled at him, 鈥淧alestinians are the bad people.鈥� Another time, a female student followed him through a parking lot to ask him if he 鈥渃ondemns the actions of Hamas.鈥� 

鈥淓very day felt like a fight,鈥� Paul says. 鈥淚 felt like I was just constantly protesting, even though I was simply wearing a flag.鈥�

Yet the two 鈥淲e Stand With Israel鈥� banners hung for weeks in the office window of Paul Nicholson, the school鈥檚 , despite  prohibiting both banners and large materials on windows.

Paul鈥檚 decision to take them down was to 鈥渋nspire the student body to not abide by these double standards,鈥� he says. 鈥淭o not be silent.鈥�

Paul knew he would likely face consequences. He expected Nicholson to tell him to stop or maybe call security to have Paul removed from the office. But something else happened. 鈥淎s I鈥檓 taking the banners down, he cursed at me and grabbed me. He was grabbing me so tightly that even though I was wearing a really puffy jacket … I could feel it,鈥� Paul says. 鈥淗e shook me back and forth and pushed me toward the floor.鈥�

A video recorded by Paul and shows a scuffle between the two before Paul falls to the floor. Nicholson can be heard shouting in the background, 鈥淣o you鈥檙e not. Get the fuck out of here!鈥�

鈥淚 called for help immediately,鈥� Paul explains. 鈥淚 was in survival mode.鈥�

A few hours after the incident, Paul received a call from Patricia Bice, vice president for student affairs and enrollment management. He had been placed on interim suspension amid a pending investigation. At 6:15 p.m. that same day, the New York State University Police, also known as UPD, released a university-wide email stating that it was notified of 鈥渁n anti-Semitic incident鈥� and investigating the circumstance 鈥渁s a possible hate crime,鈥� emails obtained by 猫咪社区! Media show.

The following day, on Dec. 13, 2023, Pe帽a released her own university-wide email, asserting that Purchase College had 鈥渮ero tolerance for antisemitic behavior or any other act of hate or bias.鈥� 

Nicholson faced no repercussions. He did not respond to a request for comment.

At the time that these emails were sent, there had not yet been a student conduct hearing where Paul could explain his actions or clarify that he was not motivated by antisemitism. To the contrary, Paul says he wanted to remove banners that made him and other students feel unsafe. 

鈥淸The banners] are advocating for the right of Israel to genocide Palestinians,鈥� he says. 鈥淎 Palestinian student told me they took different routes [to class] because they didn鈥檛 feel safe.鈥� Yet, in describing the incident, UPD 鈥渋mmediately threw out these words鈥斺�榟ate crime,鈥欌�� while the university鈥檚 president indirectly suggested the incident was 鈥渁ntisemitic.鈥� Days later, Paul was officially charged by the Office of Student Conduct with five violations, most of which he says were false.

鈥淭hen the media came in,鈥� Paul adds. 鈥淚 was thrown into this information war.鈥�

In a series of articles published by local and national media outlets, including the and , Paul was painted as an aggressor. The New York Post In one article (a conservative magazine that is allied with Israel and even ran a story titled 鈥溾��), the author relies on an anonymous source who claims Paul attacked Nicholson. Only Paul and Nicholson were present inside the office at the time of the incident.

Every day felt like a fight. I felt like I was just constantly protesting, even though I was simply wearing a flag.鈥�

Paul, who is Afro-Latino, says he decided to record the incident to protect himself. 鈥淭aking my camera out was my defense mechanism,鈥� he says. 鈥淥therwise, people will perceive me as being aggressive.鈥�

But the recording didn鈥檛 prevent those assumptions. Readers , calling Paul a 鈥渢hug鈥� and calling for him to be expelled or even jailed. Others 鈥渕ade fun of my hair,鈥� he says. Months later, he received a message from an individual whom he did not know that read: 鈥渢errorist bitch.鈥� 

鈥淚t really devastated me,鈥� Paul says of the university鈥檚 response and the backlash he faced as a result. 鈥淚t took a big toll on my mental health.鈥�

More than one year since the incident, Paul has still not been allowed to return to class. After being charged with five violations in December 2023, which ranged from removing property to inflicting harm, abuse, and injury, he says an advisor suggested he just accept the charges, even if it meant being expelled. But Paul was determined to fight. In June 2024, he sued the school, alleging that he was attacked by Nicholson and excessively punished because he criticized Israel and supported Palestine.

鈥淭hey鈥檒l say that I just wanted to destroy property, but what I did was a symbol of me saying, 鈥楧own with white supremacy, Zionism, and the oppression of Arab and African peoples,鈥欌�� Paul says. 鈥淚srael is involved in the suffering of Black people in countries across the world, whether it鈥檚 , , , or .鈥�

Paul entered Purchase鈥檚 disciplinary process in late December 2023, which included several administrative hearings that were conducted by a single staff member serving as a hearing officer. Paul requested a committee hearing, which is conducted by three people instead of one, and can involve a student who listens to the case. But Purchase beginning the Monday before the last two weeks of the semester through winter break, making an administrative hearing his only option at the time.

鈥淭he waters of due process were muddied the moment Cesar [Paul]鈥檚 actions were deemed an 鈥榓nti semitic hate crime鈥� prior to any fair hearing,鈥� Maryam Fatouh, Paul鈥檚 lawyer, wrote in an email. 鈥淔rom that point on, there were countless procedural missteps on the part of Purchase College, including its failure to produce Mr. Nicholson for questioning, despite my client鈥檚 requests. Given the seriousness of the allegations of physical assault, and Mr. Nicholson鈥檚 direct, first hand knowledge of the incident, Cesar [Paul] should have been afforded his legal right to directly question the individual making accusations against him.鈥�

Ultimately, Paul鈥檚 fate was decided by that single staff member, who questioned the two UPD officers who wrote the incident reports as 鈥渨itnesses鈥� despite neither of the officers being present at the time of the incident. As Fatouh notes, Nicholson was not required to be a witness, and he was not questioned during the hearing process. Student-conduct records show Paul was declared responsible for two of the five charges, suspended for one semester, and placed on disciplinary probation for one academic year. The terms of his suspension declared him 鈥減ersona non grata,鈥� which banned him from campus. 

Paul appealed the suspension soon after, asserting that the punishment was excessive, but it was denied. Then in April 2024, Paul rode a bus to a , where student organizers from multiple colleges gathered to protest the school system鈥檚 investments in Israel. On his way there, the bus stopped at Purchase. Paul got off the bus briefly and stood on the edge of campus to record a video, where he spoke out against his ban from Purchase grounds while Nicholson was able to 鈥渨alk on campus facing no repercussions.鈥�

He was once again charged for violating the terms of his suspension. In February 2025, Purchase extended his suspension up until January 2026鈥攅ffectively pushing his education back two years. 鈥淭hey鈥檙e trying to expel me, without labeling it as that,鈥� he says. 鈥淭hey鈥檙e trying to put me to other students as an example鈥攖o be afraid to speak up.鈥�

But Paul is still speaking up. He continues to fight to resume his education at Purchase while advocating for Palestinian liberation and his fellow student protesters. Since being suspended, he鈥檚 spoken during protests at several other campuses, often emphasizing his solidarity with Palestinians as 鈥渁 Black, gay boy in America.鈥�

鈥淲e鈥檙e living in times where we must put our morals to the test,鈥� he says. 鈥淣elson Mandela once said, 鈥榃e know too well that our freedom is not complete without the freedom of the Palestinians.鈥欌��

Free Speech for Whom?

Paul鈥檚 story is just one in an ecosystem of college students who have been targeted for protesting Israel and advocating for Palestinian liberation. Students have been , , and while university administrations have (for the most part) looked the other way鈥攐r used pro-Israel outrage as fuel to dish out excessive disciplinary punishments such as suspensions and . 

Meanwhile, a collaborative crackdown between administrators and law enforcement has resulted in , , , and . Now, immigrant students are disappearing in a targeted campaign to capture, detain, and . , a Palestinian student who was a negotiator at Columbia University during the encampment, was abducted by ICE on Mar. 8, 2025, and has been detained since, despite not being charged with a crime. 

Ranjani Srinivasan, another Columbia student who attended protests for Palestine and posted on social media, on Mar. 11, 2025, after ICE . Yunseo Chung, another Columbia student who attended similar protests, is after ICE agents tried to arrest and deport her. Rumeysa Ozturk, a Tufts University student who in support of the student senate鈥檚 divestment resolution, was on Mar. 25, 2025. And Momodou Taal, a student activist at Cornell University who was also , was forced to leave the U.S. after his student visa was also revoked.

But as the general public鈥檚 focus rapidly shifts from fascism abroad to fascism in the United States, it must not forget the Palestinians still under siege in Gaza and the West Bank. Even after a 鈥渃easefire鈥� agreement was in January, and continued to starve and kill Palestinians. Israel officially ended the ceasefire agreement when it on Mar. 18, 2025, killing more than 400 people, many of whom were children.

鈥淭he United States is a huge player in the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian people,鈥� says Tori Porell, a staff attorney with , a nonprofit legal advocacy organization that supports Palestine advocates. 鈥淭he movement here is very important in the movement for Palestinian liberation鈥攚hich is also why it has faced so much backlash.鈥�

With Israel鈥檚 resumption of genocidal bombing and aid blocks, and the U.S. president touting the possibility of turning Gaza into a resort, student activism for Palestine is only gaining momentum. But by targeting the to Israeli and U.S. imperialism through and , the modern student divestment movement is showing us the lengths universities will go to in order to shield those ties. 

Universities rely on excessive disciplinary processes, , and allegations of antisemitism to silence, criminalize, and discredit students who dare to demand an education free of human rights abuses. 

Since the early 2010s, Palestine Legal has been supporting those who face this repression鈥攑roviding legal advice, training, and litigation support to college students, grassroots activists, and communities involved in Palestine advocacy. From its extensive research and legal cases, the organization has gained a critical understanding of the forces encouraging repression of the movement for Palestinian liberation. 

鈥淎 lot of people are kind of aware of AIPAC and the wider Israel lobby that exerts so much influence on our government,鈥� Porell says. 鈥淏ut there are also even more targeted organizations and operations working to suppress the pro-Palestine movement and the student movement, in particular.鈥�

In 2015, Palestine Legal and the Center for Constitutional Rights co-published a 124-page report titled 鈥溾�� that details how 鈥渁 network of advocacy organizations, public relations firms, and think tanks鈥� use a variety of tactics to 鈥減ressure universities, government actors, and other institutions to censor or punish advocacy in support of Palestinian rights.鈥� 

Donald Trump and his administration are only joining this bandwagon, leveraging and the United States鈥� decades-old to and stop the divestment movement鈥檚 widespread influence on college campuses. Trump鈥檚 Day 1 who engage in protest for Palestine aims to further 鈥渨eaponize universities as arms of the surveillance state and encourage universities to report their own students for free speech activity,鈥� Porell says.

It from his previous term in office, which sought to have the Department of Education adopt the International Holocaust Remembrance Association鈥檚 , 鈥渁 very politicized definition 鈥� that includes nearly all criticism of Israel,鈥� Porell says. In March, the Trump administration revoked $400 million in federal funding from Columbia University for  The Guardian reported. Columbia agreed to a series of policy changes in order to restore the funding, meaning Trump successfully pressured a university to prioritize its cash flow over free speech rights.

The United States is a huge player in the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian people. The movement here is very important in the movement for Palestinian liberation鈥攚hich is also why it has faced so much backlash.鈥�

But universities share blame for fostering campus climates hostile to free speech and immigrants. 鈥淯niversities might assume the position of 鈥榯his is not us, this is the [presidential] administration,鈥� but they very much created the environment for these things to be possible,鈥� says Patrice, an international graduate student worker and labor union organizer at New York University (NYU), who is using a pseudonym to protect her identity. 鈥淔or the last year, universities like NYU have engaged in mischaracterizing and slandering their own students鈥攃ategorizing them as disruptive and giving into dangerous narratives about members of our community.鈥�

Right-wing groups have also formulated plans to silence Palestine activism on individual college campuses and elsewhere. Kenneth Marcus, who worked as Trump鈥檚 during his first presidential term, is the founder of the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law, a nonprofit organization that has against universities, including and the , claiming they are not doing enough to combat antisemitism on their campuses.

Alongside the Brandeis Center is the Heritage Foundation鈥攖he conservative think tank behind Project 2025鈥攚hich also uses the International Holocaust Remembrance Association definition in , a little-known but incredibly authoritarian initiative posited as a 鈥渘ational strategy to combat antisemitism.鈥� Porell says Project Esther is a 鈥渃ompanion to Project 2025鈥� that offers a 鈥渂lueprint for crushing the pro-Palestine movement in the U.S.鈥� 

Project Esther hopes to mischaracterize the movement for Palestinian liberation so much that Americans view it similarly to how they view the Ku Klux Klan. The Heritage Foundation is attempting to achieve this by claiming that activists, nonprofit workers, government officials, and journalists who advocate for Palestine are all part of a global 鈥淗amas Support Network鈥� that must be dismantled. Because the U.S. government has designated Hamas, another government entity, as a , Porell warns that falsely linking those who are or perceived to be within the Palestinian liberation movement to Hamas unlocks a legal strategy for the government and legal organizations to target them. 

鈥淣ot only is that a messaging strategy to delegitimize the movement, but the U.S. has very harsh antiterrorism laws,鈥� Porell explains. Accusing individuals of terrorism can lead to 鈥済overnment surveillance, a law-enforcement investigation, even criminal or civil prosecution.鈥�

Elements of Project Esther are already being pursued. And if the wider plan is successful, it will reduce free speech in the U.S., leaving no corner of society untouched. That means the tactics being used on college campuses can eventually be weaponized across institutions, corporations, workplaces, and levels of government against anyone who criticizes Israel, advocates for Palestinians (or any oppressed people for that matter), or even critiques capitalism. would be ushered in, threatening the future of all leftist organizing and the people鈥檚 right to dissent. 

Though these forms of repression are not completely unprecedented, mimicking 1950s and other surveillance strategies used to , they 鈥渁bsolutely exploded after October 2023,鈥� Porell adds. 鈥淢any universities across the country changed their policies around protest or speech on campus and made them much more restrictive than they were before, and that was directly a result of students speaking up for Palestine.鈥� 

Once those policies are on the books, universities can use them against any students speaking out. 鈥淧alestine is the canary in the coal mine for our free speech rights,鈥� she adds. 鈥淭oday it is Palestine activists, but tomorrow it could be antiracist activists or pro-immigrant advocates.鈥�

That makes learning to resist this repression and out organize the opposition even more dire. In the long fight ahead, students are reevaluating their strategies and developing new organizing defenses to secure a movement that will survive not only the Trump administration but also the rise of a coordinated right-wing movement.

Community Solidarity

Though he is isolated from campus and his peers, Paul is not completely alone. At the same time that a wave of backlash was making him feel distraught, his fellow students and comrades within the wider SUNY ecosystem came to his defense.

One peer helped Paul start a Change.org petition to demand fair disciplinary action. Nearly 20,000 people have signed the petition. A group of more than 30 Jewish students also sent a letter addressed to the Purchase administration, writing that 鈥渁 student [who] pays tuition at your college has far more value than a piece of paper endorsing one of the most brutal apartheid regimes in recent history.鈥� Paul sent the signatures to the administration, and though 鈥渢hey acted like it was nothing,鈥� he says community support made him feel like 鈥渆verything was gonna be OK.鈥�

Closer to home, two unaffiliated student groups at Purchase known as and a newer initiative, the , continue to fight for Paul, to pressure administrators. 鈥淲ords cannot explain my appreciation, how deeply grateful I am,鈥� Paul says. 鈥淚t felt so fulfilling because my original mission was to inspire other students.鈥�

Raise the Consciousness has also planned a series of direct actions, which have included and , to hold Purchase accountable for its excessive punishments and . But student organizers with the group face their own surveillance threats. On Mar. 10, 2025, the Department of Education announced that it was investigating 60 universities, including Purchase. While the DOE claims these investigations are about combating antisemitism, students assert that the DOE鈥檚 actual goal is to silence support for Palestine. 

鈥淲e reject the dishonest conflation of anti zionism and antisemitism,鈥� wrote Raise the Consciousness, the Purchase Solidarity Coalition, and Jewish Voice for Peace at Purchase in a released on Mar. 19. 鈥淭he Department of Education鈥檚 so-called investigations are part of an ongoing smear campaign against students opposing our universities鈥� financial backing of U.S./Israeli genocide of the Palestinian people.鈥�

One organizer, who asked to be called 鈥淩in,鈥� says that Raise the Consciousness has been 鈥渙n the radar of the administration鈥� since it staged a protest during Accepted Students Day in 2024. When the collective , 鈥淸the police] literally outnumbered the students,鈥� Rin says. 鈥淓veryone was arrested,鈥� including professors, despite eyewitnesses observing that until police showed up.

Though students were disciplined soon after, they managed to fight off suspensions. The administration was being 鈥渢orn apart by critics on both sides,鈥� says Rin; in addition to facing backlash over the violent arrests of students, Pe帽a was also to address antisemitism on campus. 鈥淪o they entertained a 鈥榞ood-faith conversation鈥� in the hopes it would stop a resurgence in our encampment,鈥� Rin says. 

On May 6, 2024, selected representatives from the Gaza solidarity encampment to negotiate. According to a document obtained by 猫咪社区! Media that lists 鈥渧erbal agreements鈥� made during the meeting, university leadership agreed to 鈥渕ake public all investment records鈥�in the interest of transparency,鈥� grant amnesty to students facing disciplinary charges from the encampment, and for the president to release 鈥渁 statement to the campus community regarding the ongoing events in Palestine, specifically addressing how her previous communication has caused harm.鈥� 

Student organizers agreed to disperse all student encampments so long as the agreements were upheld. It is unclear how many of the resolution鈥檚 eight total agreements that the Purchase administration has followed through on. But on Oct. 2, 2024, students staged a sit-in over 鈥渢he administration鈥檚 dismissal of our Encampment Resolution,鈥� an Instagram post by Raise the Consciousness reads. The outcome is not unique; other universities have begun to .

For Rin, the resolution鈥檚 life cycle only underscores the need for students to organize more often and more directly. But university police wouldn鈥檛 forget the names of student organizers who had been charged for participating in the May encampment. 

After the action, Rin says students were heavily surveilled and targeted by UPD, including being stopped outside of their dorm rooms on the way to class, pressured into interrogations, egged on by officers while in the dining hall, or accused of being behind autonomous actions students performed on campus like banner drops and chalking. Rin adds that heavy police surveillance contributed to a culture where Raise the Consciousness was 鈥渂lacklisted鈥�; no student government club wanted to 鈥済et too close鈥� to the group in fear of having their funding cut.

鈥淲henever they couldn鈥檛 bust you for something, they would make your life miserable and like looking over your shoulder,鈥� Rin explains. 

The surveillance emphasized the need for a decentralized, collective network of student organizations and groups. 鈥淗ow can we turn every space into a political activism space?鈥� Rin asks. 鈥淲ith [the Purchase Solidarity Coalition], this was the idea.鈥�

Though in its initial phases, the Purchase Solidarity Coalition will work to 鈥渁ddress the immediate material needs of the community鈥� at Purchase while building a network with other student groups that are aware of the issues marginalized students face, Rin explains.

鈥淭here is untapped potential of these clubs to be hot spots for how we organize, especially in light of the threats that come with the Trump presidency,鈥� he adds. 鈥淧alestine is still at the forefront of our minds, [as are] Congo, Sudan, and everywhere beyond Purchase, but we also have a bunch of immediate needs in the campus community.鈥�

In addition to organizing for divestment, the Purchase Solidarity Coalition鈥檚 immediate functions include supporting Black, Brown, transgender, and undocumented students, especially as these students face increasing threats when they are involved in organizing. 鈥淚f people are fearing for their safety, struggling to make ends meet, [or] experiencing repression in their daily lives, then they鈥檙e going to be less able to organize,鈥� Rin explains.

The Purchase Solidarity Coalition has already served as a funnel to connect students with Westchester ICE Watch, a local immigrants rights group. Rin says 18 students have been connected with the group so far, while others have circulated 鈥淜now Your Rights鈥� flyers around campus. As the coalition grows, Rin hopes to fundraise to support students who need legal counsel. Beyond that, he hopes to eventually to demand better housing conditions and protect student activists residing in dormitories.

鈥淲here leftist organizing is today is, I think there鈥檚 a realization that is occurring for a lot of people, more so under Trump, that is how politicized everybody鈥檚 lives are. You cannot live an unpolitical life,鈥� Rin says. 鈥淓verything from your student loans, to the color of your skin, your sexual orientation and gender identity鈥攅verything that we do, are, live, and like鈥攊s a political issue.鈥�

Multiple staff and administrators at Purchase College鈥攊ncluding Nicholson鈥攚ere contacted for this article, but did not respond to requests for comment.

Student Union Power

Like many other campuses after October 2023, New York University鈥檚 became a hub for student organizing against Israeli occupation: NYU students waged multiple encampments pressuring their university to . And like many college administrations, NYU鈥檚 also in response to the encampments. In August 2024, NYU released an updated code of conduct that stated 鈥淶ionist鈥� was now a protected class under its , erasing 鈥渢he long , which has existed as long as Zionism itself,鈥�  Natasha Lennard, a Jewish journalist, for The Intercept.

More recently, Patrice says the administration has 鈥済iven leverage鈥� to groups like Mothers Against Campus Antisemitism (MACA), a Facebook group of more than 62,000 parents whose founder has bragged about pressuring NYU to . Meanwhile, a far-right group, , is .

In a time where universities are allowing government overreach, and college administrators accept borderline harassment and online stalking of their students, unions can offer tangible legal protections against targeted punishments, sanctions, and criminalization. Patrice, who is an organizer with the (GSOC) at NYU, which represents more than 2,000 graduate student employees, says the union is fighting for the rights of students to protest for Palestine on their campus: 鈥淕SOC has been at the forefront of political organizing for students, even before the current protests.鈥�

Drawing on its history as the first graduate student union to in 2016, GSOC is continuing to advocate for a holistic set of principles as a union that 鈥渋ncludes protections for workers who are international and workers who want to exercise political speech,鈥� Patrice says.

One strategy GSOC uses to invoke protections includes filing grievances that require the university to meet with union members. Filing grievances is one way the union can support students by fighting 鈥渋n community and in solidarity鈥� when members are targeted for campus organizing, she adds. 

After students staged a sit-in at Bobst Library last December, NYU , including a GSOC member, on 鈥渓ittle evidence,鈥� Patrice says. 鈥淚f the new norm becomes that you can be suspended for quietly sitting in the library studying鈥� then students are discouraged from 鈥渂eing present, near, or associated with campus organizing.鈥�

The union filed a grievance in defense of the student, alleging that a suspension violated the 鈥渄iscipline and discharge鈥� clause in their contract with the university, which requires just cause. The suspension was dropped, and the grievance later denied (a common occurrence over the past year, says Patrice), but the grievances, one-on-one support with sanctioned students, along with support from 100 union alumni who pledged to boycott donations to NYU, could have applied collective pressure. 鈥淔or someone to help you through a student conduct meeting鈥攍ike a union representative鈥攖hat grassroots support is really essential,鈥� she explains.

But the underlying goal is to form a stronger contract with NYU. For GSOC, a strong contract includes measures that prohibit NYPD and ICE from accessing campus buildings鈥攁 pressing need, as at other universities. Universities are showing their true colors when it comes to policing. They don鈥檛 just to surveil students, they act as collaborative partners to identify, investigate, and charge student protesters and activist groups. 

Victoria, another international graduate student worker and union steward who is also using a pseudonym, says that police presence at NYU has increased since the encampments, but that NYU has 鈥渘o mechanisms鈥� for recording NYPD activity in and throughout campus buildings, which will be the first step to solidify protections against them. 鈥淣YPD is now being allowed to arrest, brutalize, and collect information on students, which should never be allowed,鈥� she says. 

Victoria says NYPD arrested students after the library sit-in but were also patrolling campus buildings for minor incidents, including after finding graffiti. 鈥淭hat鈥檚 a much lower standard for heavy police action,鈥� she says. That鈥檚 why GSOC is working to make the language in its contract with NYU more specific and draw clear guidelines on how the university can interact with law enforcement. The union hopes to extend protections that will prohibit NYU from allowing law enforcement, including ICE, to target international graduate student workers. 

Beyond forming a new contract, GSOC is offering critical community spaces for students to express concerns, evaluate strategies, and plan collective courses of action. It has who are concerned about Trump鈥檚 executive order and begun . These are just initial steps to negotiating 鈥渨ith the main institution that has brought you to the U.S. and through that, other institutions,鈥� Victoria says. 

From those negotiations, students can build preventative measures into their contracts and take necessary action when universities violate their rights. 鈥淎s a first-generation international student, you can feel very lonely in your relationship with the university,鈥� she adds. 鈥淭he union is a community that can give collective power to a group that otherwise would not have much.鈥�

The Movement Lives

Despite all of the repression students have faced from their colleges and the government, they are no less committed to the movement for Palestinian liberation than they were before. In fact, it continues to grow beyond the lines of major cities. 

Adam, an organizer with at Stony Brook University in Long Island who asked to be identified by first name only, says organizers with the group are committed to building a suburban mass movement, despite being suspended, , and evicted from their dorms for their activism. The group is in the process of building a stronger organizing network on Long Island by engaging with surrounding communities and addressing other pressing needs like attacks on immigrants.

To stay prepared for the next phase of organizing under Trump, Adam says organizers are looking to the and for inspiration, studying these movements to learn what they accomplished during their time, what impeded their success, and how to evolve in a heavily surveilled society.

鈥淚t was almost impossible for [the Panthers] to understand how big surveillance would become, what kind of technology would be developed, the programs the FBI would pursue to defeat this revolutionary attitude,鈥� Adam says. 鈥淭his repression will always be coming at us. Learning and growing from there, I truly believe that revolution is possible.鈥�

Meanwhile, Paul is unsure if he will ever return to Purchase, noting how difficult it is to feel welcomed back by the institution that targeted you. Regardless, he says he will 鈥渃ontinue to fight and tell my story.鈥� 

鈥淭here are many students like me who are facing severe punishments for their stances against genocide,鈥� he adds. 鈥淚 only hope my story inspires [them] to break through that fear and to fight for each other.鈥� 

And they already are. For example, Jewish students at Columbia recently to protest ICE鈥檚 capture of Khalil. Though the Trump administration is counting on inducing fear, students continue to protest, organize, and try new methods of direct action.

That鈥檚 because they believe in a future where their universities do not invest in war or genocide鈥攁nd that belief holds firm, no matter who tries to silence them.

CORRECTION: This article was updated at 4:50pm PT on April 9, 2025 to correct the year of Milagros Pe帽a鈥檚 Dec. 13, 2023 email, when Palestine Legal started, and the year the 鈥淧alestine Exception to Free Speech鈥� report was published.聽Read our corrections policy here.